The Hague International Court of Law and Israel The Jewish Settlements A Reflection to the Nearest Past

One of the major problems that the hague international court of law is trying to deal with is the question about the legality of the jewish settelments at the west bank of the Jorden river-one of the outcomes from the 1967 war.   Throughout history, the treatment of non-combatant civilian populations has been examined from various angles, most prominently with respect to the issue of the displacement of those on the losing side of a conflict, while the victorious party often settles the seized land with "less desirable" elements within its own population.[1]This phenomenon is repeated in the exile of the Jewish people throughout history; the exile of criminals from England to Australia between 1788 and 1868; and in the appalling efforts of ethnic cleansing pursued by the Nazis in the Second World War, the Soviet Union's purge in Eastern Europe the 1950s, or the French rule of Algeria.[2]This has been the case in countless wars and conflicts worldwide, one of the most prominent of which is the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Here, the issue at heart is Jewish settlement in an area the Palestinians call the "West Bank" of the Jordan River and that Jews refer to as "Judea and Samaria" and see as an inextricable part of their ancestral homeland, of which they had been robbed and which they liberated.On November 18, 2019, US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo announced an announcement that in this article I wish to examen as a reflection to the major problem that the hague court of law call that this is "a crime of war" and Israel call it "our legal right"-who is on the right side?   At first glance, this statement seems to contradict everything that has been said, done statement? Or is it that the concept of "illegal settlements" is a distortion of the Geneva Convention?[3]The first chapter of this essay focuses on international law and whether it is a doctrine set in stone or a mutable fabric of woven conventions, including some that may be politically motivated or biased with respect to a certain issue, namely, populating disputed areas with the people of a party perceived as an occupying force.The second chapter of this essay focuses on the dispute over the settlement enterprise in the Israeli-Palestinian case and how it is viewed from a number of completely different perspectives.The third chapter of this essay focuses on the circumstances and motives that drove the latest American administration to make such a controversial statement.the big question is are these circumstances still valid under a new American regime? how such statement affects the Hauge court decisions about investigate the so called war crimes made in Israel?The final chapter of this essay will summarize and attempt to predict the future results of this move: Whether Israel — as the Palestinians have already warned[4] — plans to exploit the court move in favor of annexing areas it perceives as a bulwark against threats to its sovereignty, such as the Jordan Valley; or whether this move will brace the parties' ability to, for example, explore a land swap, and will this render the two-state solution[5] upon which the Israeli-Palestinian peace process has been so far based invalid.This paper will try to outline the possibilities this decision of the court may herald, and delve into its implications, reasoning, and potential consequences. On this days that we make the scope on the Hague court to check Israel crime of war this essay will try to open another scope to events that occurred only three years ago.[1] Morgenthau, H. J. (1948). Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace, New York, Alfred A. Knopf, p.50[2] Barclay, F (2017). "Settler colonialism and French Algeria" in Settler Colonial Studies, Vol. 8, no.2, pp.115-130[3] Baker, Alan (2019). "The Legality of Israel’s Settlements: Flaws in the Carter-Era Hansell Memorandum," Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs[4] Kuttab, Daoud (2019). "Pompeo's gift to Netanyahu might bring about new Israeli annexation," Al-Monitor.com[5] The two-state solution to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict envisages an independent Palestinian state alongside the State of Israel, west of the Jordan River. It is at the core of the 1993 Oslo Accords signed between the parties.

Perceiving social events in a physical world

Political Para-Social Relationship as a Predictor of Voting Preferences in the Israeli 2019 Elections

The idea that the success of media personae in attracting audiences and maintaining their loyalty depends on the creation of a pseudo-friendship, known as para-social relationships, has been a mainstay of mass media research for more than half a century. Expanding the scope of para-social relationship research into the political realm, the notion that political support could be predicted based on the intensity of para-social relationships between voters and political figures was demonstrated in a recent study. The current exploration tests the predictive power of Political Para-Social Relationship (PPSR) in the context of the April and September 2019 Israeli election campaigns. Findings from online panel data ( n = 1,061) demonstrate that PPSR toward Netanyahu was a positive predictor of voting for Netanyahu’s Likud party and a negative predictor of voting for opposition leader Benny Gantz’s Blue and White party in both campaigns. The opposite was true for PPSR toward Benny Gantz. The PPSR constructs also predicted shifts in party support from the February to October (post-election) waves of the study, and loyalty toward the parties. In all models, the PPSR constructs were among the strongest predictors of political support.

The Strategic Bias: How Journalists Respond to Antimedia Populism

As populist campaigns against the media become increasingly common around the world, it is ever more urgent to explore how journalists adopt and respond to them. Which strategies have journalists developed to maintain the public's trust, and what may be the implications for democracy? These questions are addressed using a thematic analysis of forty-five semistructured interviews with leading Israeli journalists who have been publicly targeted by Israel's Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu. The article suggests that while most interviewees asserted that adherence to objective reporting was the best response to antimedia populism, many of them have in fact applied a “strategic bias” to their reporting, intentionally leaning to the Right in an attempt to refute the accusations of media bias to the Left. This strategy was shaped by interviewees' perceived helplessness versus Israel's Prime Minister and his extensive use of social media, a phenomenon called here “the influence of presumed media impotence.” Finally, this article points at the potential ramifications of strategic bias for journalism and democracy. Drawing on Hallin's Spheres theory, it claims that the strategic bias might advance Right-wing populism at present, while also narrowing the sphere of legitimate controversy—thus further restricting press freedom—in the future.

Russian-Israeli Relations during the Reign of Prime Minister Netanyahu: Abrasive Friendship or Realpolitik?

The subject of my interest is to present the most important determinants of relations between the Russian Federation and Israel. The main purpose of this paper is to describe the current state of affairs in mutual contacts and their importance for international security. In addition, it will be important to try to answer the question of whether Russia will continue to play an important role as an economic and political partner of Israel in the near future, in the face of the gradual containment of the Syrian conflict. At the beginning, I intend to refer to the history of relations of both countries, dating back to the time of the existence of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the breaking of diplomatic relations after the Six-Day War in June 1967. In the following part of the discussion, I present the relations of both entities immediately after the collapse of the Soviet empire and coming to power of Vladimir Putin, who from the beginning of his term in office has sought to significantly improve contacts with Israel. Then, I raise the problem of Moscow-Tel Aviv contacts after Benjamin Netanyahu took over as prime minister again and after the Arab Spring, which implied the conflict in Syria, during which Russia and Israel established cooperation. It will also be important to trace the attitude of the authorities in Tel Aviv to the annexation of Crimea and the war in eastern Ukraine. I would also like to refer to the relationship of both entities on the historical and cultural level, as well as on the economic and military level. In the summary, I highlight future perspectives and try to determine whether the current relations of both countries will intensify in the face of the end of war in Syria, and whether we can observe a close alliance of both countries now and in the future, or a limited partnership, determined by the need to implement real policy in the world.

A comparative analysis of security issues in the new social media in the US-Israel election campaign

This article presents the history of the use of social media in the election campaigns of politicians from the United States and Israel as a modern phenomenon in the current era due to technological changes in the global media. My article answers the research question: is there a difference in the strategy of using Twitter between Netanyahu and Obama, and what is this difference? It should be noted that many articles have dealt with social networks and the political use of social networks, but as far as I know, the topic of comparison and attempt to find differences in political campaigns between two leaders from the United States and Israel has not yet been investigated, and this is the goal of the article, I will focus on presenting data and information examining the allegations appearing in the official Twitter account of former Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu regarding security issues and the Iranian threat expressed in his Twitter tweets, so that he presents himself as “responsible for Israel and its citizens.” So he constantly presents the issue of national security as a winning card against his opponents in order to win the support of the far right electorate in Israel. Compared to the tweets of Obama the first president of the United States who used social media and especially presidential Twitter to win in support of the American electorate in the 2008 and 2012 presidential elections and to win their economic and social contribution.

Ascenso y declive de Benjamín Netanyahu

PHASE: PHysically-grounded Abstract Social Events for Machine Social Perception

PENGARUH VARIASI SUHU DAN MEDIA PENDINGIN PADA PROSES PACK NITRIDING MATERIAL SUS 630 TERHADAP NILAI KEKERASAN DAN STRUKUR MIKRO

This research investigates the application of material engineering techniques on Stainless steel SUS 630 so that it not only has good resilience and resistance to corrosive properties but also has hard properties on its surface. In an effort to improve the quality of violence on the surface, among others, by surface hardening technique, one of which is a heat treatment technique by adding nitrogen elements to the surface of a material called the nitriding pack process. The nitrogen source in the pack nitriding process comes from urea (CO(NH2)2) with a nitrogen content of 46%. Parameters for controlling this study using variables by applying temperature variations (4200C, 4700C, 5200C, 5700C, 6200C)  and cooling media (inside the furnace, room temperature, and with fan) with a holding time of 2 hours. To evaluate this study microstructure testing, diffusion layer testing and micro hardness testing were carried out. From the results of the test it was found that there was no significant transformation of the microstructure shape when comparing with raw material, the optimal value of diffusion layer was in the cooling furnace with a temperature of 6200C with an average of 4.57 μm and white layer 0.53 , the highest hardness was at 6200C with cooling in furnace media which has a value of 80.9 HRN.

The Transformation of Radical Movement in Yogyakarta post-2019 Presidential Election

Radical movements colored the 2019 Elections, especially the dichotomy of the Jokowi and Prabowo camps. This phenomenon also occurs among the people of Yogyakarta after the 2019 Presidential Election. The research aims to map the transformation of fundamentalist groups in Yogyakarta after the 2019 Presidential Election. The significant analysis was carried out to provide sources of information to the public and government regarding the transformation of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) after the 2019 Presidential Election. The researchers used qualitative descriptive methods with the analysis of the theory of social resource mobilization. The research results showed that the transformation of the radical movement that formerly took the anarchist forms and down to the streets, now is more focused and organized by entering the community through religious education and recitation groups, both in universities and at household meetings. This research concludes that in order not to be parallel to HTI, which the government dissolved, the transformation of tranquility is one way to maintain the existence of radical organizations but in a more friendly framework or guise. All of these resource mobilization movements take the form of informal social networks.