Journals
2026 EN
Kleinberg Reid
Since the 2020 American presidential election, far-right political movements capitalizing on grassroots support and popular resentment seem more salient than ever. These outbursts are good reminders of one articulation in the nexus between fascism and neo-liberalism: paleo-libertarianism and its strategy to reform American life according to a civilizationist paradigm of racialized, religious, anti-democratic, free market, and anti-statist logics. This paper makes three interventions (1) I perform a brief comparison illustrating paleo-libertarianism’s similarities and divergences from fascism and neo-liberalism. This discussion explains key characteristics of paleo-libertarianism and is productive for future review of the relationship between paleo-libertarianism and new-fascism (2) The term paleo-libertarianism typically denotes the intellectual and political actors associated with the John Randolph Club during the 1990s. Building on section one, I suggest a coherent paleo-libertarian discourse and politics is visible in the expressions of actors and intellectuals traversing the antecedent neo-liberal Virginia School, other radical libertarian groups, and right-wing elites. (3) I document how wealthy right-wing elites articulated paleo-libertarian politics to effect disastrous radical market, civilizationist, and anti-democratic ends. Specifically, I show how the DeVos family tacitly and explicitly advances paleo-libertarianism, facilitating a formidable political network during the 1970s Tax Revolt, the Flint Water Crisis, and the ongoing educational culture war in Minnesota. Here, I make an important contribution to the academic history of contemporary paleo-libertarianism. Scholars generally conceive of a divergence between ‘radical’ and ‘reformist’ conservative libertarian movements (Bessner 2014), the Minnesota reveals a closer relationship between the two than previously noted.
Journals
2026 EN
Stewart Blake · Biscahie Thibault
This article examines the ideological rapprochements operated between proponents of (neo)liberalism and fascism during the European interwar crises, and their continuities within the US-dominated postwar ‘liberal international order’. Using a neo-Gramscian analytical framework, we focus on the various transnational elite discourse coalitions and collective intellectuals that gave rise to a (neo)liberal/far-right nexus within the transatlantic bloc in the ‘short twentieth century’. Neoliberalism and fascism both embody class projects favouring capitalist accumulation at the expense of social redistribution. Both are driven by a hatred of communism and socialist solutions, and by a willingness to preserve the bourgeois status quo. On the economic front, their proponents support austerity and free trade politics, and endorse xenophobic, racist, militaristic and civilizational discourses. In the interwar period, this convergence took the form of ‘authoritarian liberalism’ and manifested in a racist and patriarchal streak in early ordoliberal and neoliberal thinking. During the Cold War, the conjunction happened in the shape of various ‘neoconservative’ and fusionist transnational networks committed to a regressive strategy for the ‘liberal international order’, with collaborations between Western ‘liberal’ governments and the far-right through support to anti-communist collectives united in a common interest of undermining the left. In both periods, the aim remained to separate economics and empire from the political by all possible means.
Journals
2026 EN
Gulumyan Elmira
What does it mean to teach the history of Nagorno-Karabakh in Armenian public schools after years of war, loss, and a refugee crisis? Can lessons on a recent violent conflict align with the peace values outlined in Armenia’s evolving educational standards? This phenomenological study explores these questions through semi-structured, in-depth interviews with eight public school teachers from various regions of Armenia. The findings reveal that teachers’ approaches to this subject are shaped by a complex interplay of personal and collective experiences of conflict, professional identity, and the broader sociopolitical landscape. While some educators view history education as a tool for fostering critical thinking, others struggle with negative emotions that drive them to self-censor and avoid controversial discussions. Additionally, the blurred boundaries between teachers’ personal trauma and professional responsibilities further complicate their capacity to engage with peacebuilding. By foregrounding teachers’ lived experiences and their emotional dimensions of peace-oriented educational change, this study underscores the need to critically assess the feasibility of peace education in post-conflict societies. This research contributes to broader discussions on educators’ role in shaping historical consciousness in conflict-affected contexts and offers possible implications for rethinking peace education policies and teacher training in Armenia and beyond.
Journals
2026 EN
Bogetić Ksenija
The use of war metaphors in COVID–19 crisis communication has prompted great metalinguistic attention and highlighted the role of conflict memory in crisis discourse. Still, discourses of collective memory are to date rarely integrated with the study of metaphor and crisis communication, though frequently observed in crisis metaphor analyses in post–conflict contexts. This study focuses on the relations between the war metaphor and war memory as seen specifically in post–conflict settings. Set across three post–Yugoslav states, it starts from an examination of WAR metaphor use and its relations to war memory discourses in early pandemic political leaders' announcements, and citizen responses to these. Second, it zooms in on the patterns of metaphor negotiation and contestation in citizen discourses in particular. The findings show how the early pandemic discourse drew on heavily militarized metaphoricity, which revived nationalist images of the country's violent breakup in the 1990s but also gave rise to ample contestation in public space, revealing differing positionings in politicians' and citizens' discourses. The analysis allows a discussion of some implications pertaining to the relations of metaphor, collective memory and crisis communication, as well as the increasingly laden affective potentials of war and history in times when ‘war is never far away’.
Journals
2026 EN
Peng Altman Yuzhu · Wu Chunyan · Sun Yu
This article foregrounds the great translation movement (GTM), initially mobilised on X (formerly Twitter) in response to the Russian invasion of Ukraine, as an example of activist journalism countering China's 'mainstream' narrative of the war and its broader implications. Using Fairclough’s dialectical-relational approach, adapted to the specifics of social media communication, we examine GTM postings throughout the first calendar year of the war, highlighting how the GTM evolves into a broader activist-journalistic initiative that challenges the party-state beyond its involvement in the war. This paradigm of intervention unfolds as GTM activists report on evidential events within China that bear the potential to spark public contention outside of the party-state’s censorship reach. By examining the dialectical relations between reportage and advocacy, this analysis demonstrates how activist journalism constitutes an emerging cross-border civic engagement, challenging a Southern authoritarian regime from the outside. A critical evaluation of activist journalism and its broader societal impacts is also provided, highlighting its progressive potential and future development in the Chinese context and beyond.
Journals
2026 EN
Smith Jonny
This article explores the representation of post-war urban redevelopment in the 1960s British cinema, with a particular focus on the impact and legacy of ‘slum clearances’ in the North of England. Predominantly affecting working-class communities in the 1960s and 1970s, a pervasive cultural narrative emerged that ‘slum clearances’ led to the loss of traditional working-class community and culture. However, the apparent trauma and upheaval of ‘slum clearances’ has not been examined through its filmic representations. This article then addresses this gap in the literature. In doing so, this article connects to historical and revisionist debates around the British New Wave, particularly its unique place-making, extensive location shooting and use of landscape as a spectacle. However, this article utilises a renewed focus on the materiality of the place to reconceptualise 1960s realist British cinema as a ‘Long Wave’. This paper then extends its analysis to post-1965 films centrally concerned with working-class spatial upheaval: Life at the Top (1965), The Charlie Bubbles (1967), The White Bus (1967), The Reckoning (1970), and Get Carter (1971). Using Michel Foucault’s conception of the heterotopia as a framework, I argue these films confront post-war redevelopment as an opportunity to explore themes of temporality, mortality and identity within shifting class dynamics.
Journals
2026 EN
Southwick Leslie
This paper provides new information on the Master Workmen and staff of the Royal ‘Almain’ Armoury at Greenwich from the first decade of the seventeenth century to its decline and final closure. During the reigns of the Stuart kings, James I and Charles I, the Armoury was under the direction of Jacob Halder, William Pickering, Thomas Stephens and Nicholas Sherman; and the wage payments to the workshop’s personnel are recorded in the rare Exchequer Pells Issue Lists surviving from 1597, now at the National Archives, Kew. 1 In the 1620s, the Greenwich Armoury was strongly criticised about the workshop’s purpose and function, usefulness and productivity; and it was also seen as a rival of the Office of the Ordnance and its Master General, both before and during the English Civil War. Following the Restoration of Charles II in 1660, the Ordnance Office emerged dominant and the ‘Almain’ Armoury, long out of service, was finally closed ‘by royal decree’ eight years after the King was restored to the throne.
Journals
2026 EN
Pedersen Helge Chr.
This article examines the role of skiing in shaping regionalism in Northern Norway during the post-war period, focusing on Ole Bull Aune’s leadership from 1949 to 1962. Despite geographical and economic challenges, skiing emerged as a key arena for regional identity-building and modernization. Bull Aune worked to modernize Northern Norwegian skiing and integrate it into the national sports community, while also promoting cross-border cooperation in the North Calotte with Sweden and Finland. His efforts followed a dual strategy: strengthening regional autonomy while fostering national integration. As leader of the Western Finnmark Ski Federation and board member of the Norwegian Ski Federation, he helped establish training programmes, organise competitions, and elevate Northern Norwegian athletes to national and international prominence. His work reflected an integrationist regionalism seeking to balance regional independence with national inclusion. Through analysis of contemporary newspapers and historical sources, the article highlights Bull Aune’s dual position as both representative of a marginalised region and member of the national skiing elite. His vision contributed to the consolidation of Northern Norway as a distinct identity region, demonstrating the transformative power of sport in societal development and regional self-assertion.
Journals
2026 EN
Jönsson Kutte
The controversy about transgender athletes in sports does not seem to rest. Quite the contrary. The rhetoric suggests a conflict between those who advocate for inclusion and those who argue that allowing transgender athletes to compete is unfair and unsafe, particularly for women who would be ‘forced’ to compete against transgender women. One might argue that the issue of transgender athletes has become a weapon in a politically and ideologically instigated culture war. However, regardless of their position, scholars and others seem to agree that that transgender athletes are considered as outsiders in sports. Being subjected as outsiders may in fact have greater importance for how we understand gender classifications and gender ideology in sports than we first may think. In this paper, I will suggest that transgender athletes, as outsiders, constitute the gender boundaries when it comes to sports. Additionally, I will suggest that the issue is a matter of gender ideology and based on that one might claim that trying to exclude transgender athletes is not a way of protecting female athletes, as it is often claimed, but rather a way of protecting a specific gender ideology.
Journals
2026 EN
Brogim Gabriela · Bastos Francisco I.
This commentary examines the use of trade tariffs embedded in U.S. executive orders issued during the Trump administration as a strategy to address the fentanyl crisis. The key issue is whether it will be effective to curb the opioid epidemic or would rather mean more of the same. By combining quantitative classification of executive orders with exploratory discourse analysis, the article demonstrates that fentanyl is predominantly framed as a problem of trade, border security, and economic coercion rather than as a public health challenge. Our findings indicate a strong overlap between fentanyl-related orders and tariff measures, revealing a policy logic that prioritizes supply-side control through international economic pressure. The paper argues that this approach reflects a continuity of the U.S. war on drugs under a new trade-centered rhetoric, raising concerns about its effectiveness and potential risks for health systems, medical supply chains, and evidence-based public health responses.