Was there no alternative? Socialist debates and reform projects in late Cold War Europe and beyond

This article introduces the contributions to the special issue, which focus on socialist debates and reform projects in late Cold War Europe and beyond. Drawing on recent scholarship concerning ‘neoliberalism’, East European 1989–91 transitions and global transformations in the 1970s and 1980s, the authors examine socialist-oriented languages, projects and policies of reform intended to address the transformative crises of global capitalism and the irreversible decline of the Soviet-type planned economy. The contributions to this special issue investigate the personal connections and professional relations between experts and policymakers for two purposes. First, they seek to enhance our understanding of the interplay between politics and economics in the two halves of Europe during the late Cold War and its aftermath. Secondly, they challenge the widespread narrative that describes the end of the ‘glorious thirties’ (1945–75) as the inevitable result of the ideological victory of ‘neoliberalism’, famously epitomized by Margaret Thatcher’s slogan ‘There is no alternative’ (TINA). As the case studies demonstrate, various alternatives based on the concept of ‘socialism’ were considered feasible in both Eastern and Western Europe, but lost momentum in the 1990s and early 2000s.

Reinventing socialism: the post-Second World War Polish debate on reconstructing the socialist economic model

This study shows that under the communist dictatorship, with the restrictions on the circulation of ideas caused by censorship and the effect of the Iron Curtain, the postulates for changing the economic (and political) system were focused on reinventing socialism, and transforming it into ‘socialism with a human face’ rather than restoring capitalism. Until the late 1980s, virtually none of the participants in the debate saw capitalism as a valid alternative to socialism. The discussion focused on how to reform the existing socialist system so that it would achieve the real goals of socialism, including fair distribution of the value produced and equitable participation. The issue of democratizing the system was as important as improving its efficiency.

From Thatcherism to the Third Way: Labour and the ‘Great Moving Right Show’, 1979–99

This article examines the British Labour Party’s response to Thatcherism in the 1980s and 1990s. It discusses the changes in global economics and politics during the last years of the Cold War and the first decade of the post-Cold War world, as neoliberalism and globalization reshaped both capitalism and socialism. This was the world that Labour had to navigate while rethinking its ideology and its relationship with the British working class. The article explores the reforms Neil Kinnock introduced at a time of growing consumerism, deindustrialization, electoral defeats and significant changes in international socialism. It shows how Labour accepted that market forces would become more prevalent in its programme, but also how they would be used to benefit society, not to promote Thatcherite individualism. The article then discusses Tony Blair’s reforms, which took Kinnock’s modernization further as New Labour sought a ‘Third Way’ between state and market. Overall, this article argues that Labour’s reaction to Thatcherism was shaped mainly by the economic and political changes that developed in the United Kingdom, but also by the changes in the global environment during the early phase of neoliberalism and globalization and the conclusion of the Cold War. It shows that its continued belief in society and the importance of community ensured it did not become a Thatcherite party during the global ‘Great Moving Right Show’.

Democratization and international conflict during and after the third wave

Of the three sides of the liberal virtuous triangle, only the domestic regime-type is so empirically robust that the axiom that democracies do not wage war against each other “comes as close as anything we have to an empirical law.” There are three forms of democratic peace: monadic (democracies are more peaceful in their international relations), dyadic (democracies do not go to war with other democracies), and systemic (more democratic states make the international system more peaceful). Due to the Third Wave of democratization, the concept of democratic governance approached the level of normative universality. Yet, there remain challenges related to the robustness of the democratic project and the robustness and directional causality of the democratic peace. Furthermore, categorizations of both peace and democracy are contested, with theoretical and practical exceptionalism to the universal narrative of the democratic peace. The article concludes that just as the Third Wave of democratization was insufficient universally to achieve perpetual peace, so too the third wave of autocratization will prove insufficient universally to undermine resilience within the democratic (or polyarchic) peace project.

Mobilizing in Uncertainty: Collective Identities and War in Abkhazia by Anastasia Shesterinina, Ithaca and London, Cornell University Press, 2021, 275 pp., $130 (hardcover), ISBN 978-15017-53763

First field in the Croatian coat of arms: (re)constructing the contested symbol in online news

The sphere of new media, particularly in European post-socialist societies, often reflects controversies around the meanings of symbols related to the past. This paper analysed controversy in online news caused by the photo in which an unofficial Croatian coat of arms with a white upper left square was publicly presented. This symbol is sometimes seen as problematic since it was, besides other historical contexts, used by the Ustashe, a political movement that established the Nazi-collaborator regime during the Second World War. A qualitative analysis of 195 online news articles revealed that two general meanings are presented to the audiences. The first meaning emphasizes its totalitarian nature, while the other presents it as complex because of its multiple historical uses. Subsequent quantitative analysis of 180 articles compared four groups of online news and established differences regarding the dominant meanings of the symbol that are presented to the audiences. Croatian media predominantly present it as complex/historical. Serbian and Bosnian and Herzegovinian media present it as Ustashe, while global/other news almost fully present it as (pro)Nazi. The differences are also established with regard to content diversity and Croatian media exhibit much greater diversity in the presentation of the symbol compared to the other three groups.

From divided society to civic nation? The rise of civic nationalism in Ukraine

Ukraine's transformation from a divided society to one marked by civic nationalism presents and unity in diversifying, a compelling case study for understanding nationalism. This article explores how historical context, external threats, and societal responses have shaped this remarkable shift. Drawing on theoretical frameworks and empirically examining pre-war and wartime dynamics, the article argues that Ukraine's nationalism has matured into a civic form, characterized by shared values, active civic engagement, and democratic principles. This contrasts with the previously prevalent regionalist and ethnic sentiments. The analysis reveals how the ongoing Russia’s war against Ukraine has acted as catalysts for national unity and civic identity. This transformation transcends linguistic and regional divisions, fostering a sense of national belonging based on shared values of freedom and commitment to state independence. The article concludes by discussing the broader implications for nationalism studies, highlighting the need for research on the long-term sustainability of civic nationalism, the impact of digital media and diaspora communities, and the potential of nationalism as a tool for societal resilience and cohesion in diverse societies. Overall, this study sheds new light on the complex relationship between nationalism and wartime society, offering valuable insights for understanding national identity in the twenty-first century.

From Incarceration to Repatriation. German Prisoners of War in the Soviet Union Susan C.I. Grunewald, Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, US: $ 33,99 – UK: £35. ISBN: 978-1501776021.

Russian Military Thought. The Evolution of Strategy since the Crimean War Gudrun Persson, Washington DC: The Georgetown University Press, 2025. Paperback, ISBN 9781647126377

Russian Military Thought. The Evolution of Strategy Since the Crimean War Gudrun Persson, Washington DC: Georgetown University Press, 2025. ISBN 9781647126377 (hardcover), ISBN 9781647126384 (paperback), ISBN 9781647126391 (eBook).