Journals
2026 EN
Berthereau Estelle
Catholics and dissident French royalists from the beginning of the nineteenth century around the journalists F. de La Mennais and P.-S. Laurentie wanted to reconstitute a new Catholic monarchy against the compromise made by Louis XVIII. It was necessary to renew the links with the ancien régime against the revolutionary legacy, and to compensate for the monarchy’s more distant flaws, caused according to them by the distancing of the Church’s power. After the July Revolution in 1830, these royalists reconfigured a modern monarchy behind ‘Henry V’ to make a Third Restoration possible. But there were many disagreements among the Legitimists: between the Parisian ‘Henriquists’ and the absolutist émigrés who favoured Charles X, war raged after 1830, not to mention the opposition they waged against the Orleanists. These neo-legitimists then decided to open up more to modernity and demanded freedoms of association, religion and the press, inspired by the followers of La Mennais. They also sought unity with Catholics and wanted to participate in elections. But this political line was opposed to that of Genoude and the absolutists. Later, Montalembert separated Catholics and royalists and shattered any hope of unity and the creation of a large party under the July Monarchy.
Journals
2026 EN
Liebich André
The Right Wing of the Polish emigration after1830 explained the disappearance of the Polish state in 1795 and the failure of their recent war against tsarist Russia by the absence of a strong leadership and, in particular, by the absence of a king and a hereditary monarchy. The most suitable candidate for king was Prince Adam Czartoryski, head of the right-wing emigration and a leader of the emigration as a whole. Czartoryski declined the title for reasons related to his own Hamlet-like character and, above all, by his conviction that the time was not ripe for an insurrection which assumption of the royal title would have entailed.
Journals
2026 EN
Rajaei Afarin
Intergenerational trauma, stemming from war, economic sanctions, and political instability, deeply affects Iranian families. This mixed-methods study explores the impact of couple and family therapy (CFT) approaches on intergenerational trauma in Iran. Qualitative data from 23 therapists and quantitative data from 96 clients under their care were analyzed. The design included three assessment points over three months to address gaps in longitudinal research. Thematic analysis identified integrative approaches and cultural adaptation as key factors. Significant improvements in trauma-related outcomes highlight the importance of culturally sensitive CFT in non-Western contexts, offering insights for clinical practice and policy.
Journals
2026 EN
Bose Pratik · Singh gmaithem Kishorchand
Arunachal Pradesh which lies in the Northeast of India is one of the notable bones of contention between India and China. The focal point of the contention is the un-demarcated boundary line. The dispute created mistrust, leading to a large-scale conflict between the two countries in 1962. After the 1962 Sino-India War, the Indian government refrained from developing the border areas with China, which resulted in a lack of connectivity and communication, especially along the state's border areas. The Government feared that developing the border areas would allow the Chinese troops to penetrate quickly inside the Indian territory. However, from the late 1990s onwards theik Indian policymakers decided to develop the border areas by constructing roads and communication networks. This has not been taken well by the Chinese side and since then they have been reiterating their claims over Arunachal Pradesh with more vigour. The article is an attempt to identify India’s road construction projects taking place in Arunachal Pradesh and analyse their geopolitical and security implications. The issues and challenges that the authorities are facing while carrying out road connectivity projects in the treacherous and mountainous terrain of Arunachal Pradesh shall also be studied in this article.
Journals
2026 EN
Ko Ka Young
This article examines the mobility of Ukrainian Koryoin refugees—members of the Russian-Korean diaspora—who entered South Korea following the outbreak of the Russia–Ukraine war. An estimated 1,500 Ukrainian Koryoin fled to South Korea, and among them, 876 received airfare and settlement assistance from Koryoin Village, a nonprofit organization in Gwangju. Using entry records of 873 individuals supported by the organization, this study analyzes demographic and migration patterns, including age, gender, nationality, country of departure, and arrival dates. Beyond initial settlement, the study investigates their continued mobility and the factors shaping it. Findings show that nearly 40 percent engaged in secondary mobility, relocating to metropolitan areas within South Korea, moving to third countries such as the United States or Russia, or even returning to conflict zones in Ukraine. Limited employment opportunities, barriers to naturalization, linguistic constraints, and social exclusion emerged as key drivers of re-migration. The study further highlights the ‘multi-layered simultaneity’ of Koryoin refugees, who are simultaneously refugees, ethnic returnees, and migrant laborers. It also traces the ‘long-term diachronicity’ of Koryoin mobility, from the late nineteenth century to the present, underscoring refugees’ agency as they navigate ongoing displacement and the broader implications for South Korea’s refugee reception policies.
Journals
2026 EN
Pohnerová Eliška
Water and water infrastructure is granted legal protection under international law, making it eligible for normative safeguards. Yet, this normative expectation is challenged by records of states using water as a weapon. The article applies qualitative content analysis, looking into what is theorized to be the most water taboo-compliant country, the United States. It investigates its advocacy of the prohibitory norm on water weaponization in three conflicts: the Russo-Ukrainian War, the Israel–Hamas War, and the Yemeni Civil War. The analysis shows that water norms in practice are closer to humanitarian crisis prevention than a source of stigmatization based on abhorrence.
Journals
2026 EN
James Kevin J. · McNee Alan
The British hotel ‘visitors’ book’ was part of a broader constellation of texts in which people voluntarily inscribed personal details, comments, verses, and illustrations. This article surveys the broad textual field within which the visitors’ book was developed before and after World War I and examines how practices were modified and continued over the course of the conflict and beyond. It addresses both the potential and the shortcomings of these documents as historical sources, acknowledging that the information inscribed in them is necessarily fragmented and often hard to evaluate, but can also provide valuable insights into class relations, travel practices, and the movements and experiences of international visitors. It notes that although nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Britain differed from much of Europe in the sense that it did not make registration a legal requirement for hotel guests, this changed during World War I. It suggests that there were other continuities between the British and Continental European experience when it came to the ways that guests used books for their own purposes, rather than simply being the passive subjects of a registration regime. Finally, it emphasises that the visitors’ book remained resilient in the post-war era in Britain, though it was also enwrapped in a nostalgic discourse as new registration regimes evolved.
Journals
2026 EN
James Kevin J.
The systematic registration of hotel visitors was not a legal requirement in British commercial accommodation before World War I. During the conflict, the state mandated the formal collection of information on all visitors under a regime that progressively defined distinctions between British subjects, friendly aliens, and enemy aliens. Important elements of the regime endured after the conflict. Drawing on government records and the local press, this analysis traces the development of the documentary architecture of post-war surveillance, with a focus on the register as a tool of record-keeping. It shows how that regime was enacted, sometimes haltingly and unevenly, as actors struggled to become acculturated to unfamiliar peacetime practices.
Journals
2026 EN
Guliyev Farid
This article examines the host community’s response to the influx of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Azerbaijan, focusing on social protection measures from the initial wave of forced displacement in the early 1990s to the end of the second Karabakh war in 2020. It evaluates ongoing government initiatives aimed at facilitating the return of IDPs to their places of origin. While IDPs have been integrated into state social protection programmes and benefited from state-provided social allowances and other benefits critical to their economic survival, the article highlights the importance of acknowledging their varied social needs and vulnerabilities to develop more targeted assistance policies. Based on the case study of Azerbaijan, this research contributes to the broader literature on social policy responses to protracted displacement and the challenges of IDP repatriation in the Global South.
Journals
2026 EN
Zhou Xuan · Lou Chen · Huang Xun (Irene)
Brand activism describes that brands actively join in sociopolitical conversations by taking stances on pressing issues, such as civil rights and geopolitical conflicts. While brands have been responding emotionally to various causes, little is known about how the gender stereotyping of emotions (e.g. ‘men don’t cry’, ‘women don’t fume’) affects the effectiveness of brand activism. This research examines the interplay between brand gender traits (masculinity vs. femininity) and emotions in activism (anger vs. sadness) and the moderating influence of political ideology on audience responses. We conducted two experiments among U.S. participants, using contemporary global issues as contexts (i.e. the Russia-Ukraine war and Fukushima wastewater release). Our findings revealed that anger expression (vs. sadness expression) was perceived as more congruent with the stereotypical roles of masculine brands (vs. feminine brands). Moreover, stereotype-congruent expressions improved conservatives’ perceived appropriateness and message attitude more profoundly, while non-stereotypical expressions were more effective at enhancing liberals’ advocacy intentions.