Journals
2009 EN
Markus Meissner · Katrin Klaus
'If you know the enemy and know yourself, you need not fear the result of a hundred battles. If you know yourself but not the enemy, for every victory gained you will also suffer a defeat' (SunTzu the Art of War, 544-496 BC). Although written for the managing of conflicts and winning clear victories, this basic guideline can be directly transferred to our battle against apicomplexan parasites and how to focus future basic research in order to transfer the gained knowledge to a therapeutic intervention strategy. Over the last two decades the establishment of several key-technologies, by different groups working on Toxoplasma gondii, made this important human pathogen accessible to modern approaches in molecular cell biology. In fact more and more researchers get attracted to this easy accessible model organism to study specific biological questions, unique to apicomplexans. This fascinating, unique biology might provide us with new therapeutic options in our battle against apicomplexan parasites by finding its Achilles' heel. In this article we argue that in the absence of a powerful high throughput technology for the characterisation of essential gene of interests a coordinated effort should be undertaken to convert our knowledge of the genome into one of the phenome.
Journals
2009 EN
Luiz Marcos de Oliveira Silva · Fernando Augusto Mansor de Mattos
The article analyzes the economic importance of the health activities in the developed countries in the last decades of the twentieth century. It takes into consideration the evolution of the weight of the employment in the health activities in European countries' and also in the United States' labour markets, which will be compared in an historical perspective. The evolution and the weight of the public expenditure in the health activities will also be taken into account so as to analyze the economic importance of the sector in the last decades of twentieth century. The role played by the political, economic and social context of the Post-Second World War in the construction of the system of social protection (Welfare State) and its effects over the health activities will be also considered
Journals
2009 EN
Renato Perim Colistete
Wages, productivity and profits in the Brazilian manufacturing industry, 1945-1978. This article investigates the distribution between profits and wages in Brazil's manufacturing industry from 1945 to 1978. First, the article provides yearly series of average real wages and labour productivity, from which labour unit costs and the distribution between profits and wages in the manufacturing industry are estimated. Second, the article addresses the behaviour of wages, labour productivity and industrial income distribution in the context of variable economic, political and institutional conditions which prevailed in post-war Brazil. The results of the quantitative analysis allow us to assess both the trends and the yearly behaviour of the manufacturing income distribution during a key period of the Brazilian economic history
Journals
2009 EN
Günther Jakobs
A punição de terroristas, em larga medida preliminar, ou os severos interrogatórios, não se adequam a um perfeito Estado de direito. Pertencem ao direito de exceção. Um Estado de direito que tudo abarque não poderia travar esta guerra, pois ele deveria tratar seus inimigos como pessoas e, conseqüentemente, não poderia tratá-las como fonte de perigo. Em Estados de direito que operam na prática de modo ótimo procede-se de outra maneira, e isso lhes dá a chance de não se quebrarem durante o ataque a seus inimigos. The preemptive punishment of terrorists and the use of harsh interrogation techniques are not within the classical standards of the Rule of Law. They belong rather to a state of exception. A State committed to all the usually accepted requirements of the Rule of Law would not be allowed to carry such a war, because it would have the duty to treat its enemies as persons. Therefore, it would not be authorized to treat them as a source of danger. Nevertheless, these classical standards have been challenged in the last two decades by major institutional changes that are now being discussed both in theoretical as in practical levels
Brazilian Centre for Analysis and Planning
Journals
2009 EN
Danilo José Dálio · Shiguenoli Miyamoto
A década de 1940 representou o auge e o declínio do paradigma das "relações especiais" Brasil - Estados Unidos, predominante por quase meio século na política exterior brasileira. Após a experiência bem sucedida de colaboração durante a segunda guerra mundial, o Brasil enfrentou um período de frustração e desapontamento nas suas relações com o governo de Washington. Emergindo como potência hegemônica, os sucessivos governos norte-americanos constituíram interesses e objetivos globais na nova ordem internacional, pouco restando para o atendimento das demandas dos países latino-americanos. A IV Reunião de Consulta dos Chanceleres Americanos, realizada em Washington, entre março e abril de 1951, explicitou não apenas o dissídio de objetivos e interesses entre os Estados Unidos e os países latino-americanos no pós-guerra, mas também o surgimento de uma nova perspectiva de relacionamento dentro do continente, pautada em negociações realistas e pragmáticas, sobretudo por parte do Brasil. The 1940s represented the peak and decline of the paradigm of the "special relationship" Brazil - United States, predominant for almost half a century in the Brazilian foreign policy. After the successful experience of collaboration during the Second World War, Brazil faced a period of frustration and disappointment in their relations with the government in Washington. Emerging as a hegemonic power, successive Americans governments have global interests and objectives in the new international order, leaving little to meet the demands of Latin American countries. The Fourth Meeting of Consultation of Foreign Ministers American held in Washington, between March and April 1951, explicited not only the goals and interests of disagreement between the U.S. and Latin American countries in the post-war, but also the emergence of a new perspective on relations within the continent, namely, from that time based on realistic and pragmatic negotiations, this orientation led by Brazil during the meeting
São Paulo State University
Journals
2009 PO
James N. Green · Abigail Jones
Lincoln Gordon, embaixador dos Estados Unidos no Brasil, esteve no centro das operações norte-americanas que apoiaram o golpe de Estado de 1964, desde a coordenação das conexões entre Vernon Walters e os conspiradores militares, até o lobby por uma força-tarefa naval dos Estados Unidos que interviria no caso da explosão de uma guerra civil entre forças pró e anti-Goulart. Apesar disso, naquele momento, e nos anos seguintes, Gordon insistiu em que o golpe de Estado tinha sido "100% brasileiro". Através de documentos do Departamento de Estado norte-americano, discursos de Gordon, testemunhos orais, e de uma entrevista em 2005 com o embaixador, este artigo analisa as diversas justificativas que Gordon ofereceu ao longo dos últimos quarenta anos para explicar por que apoiou a derrubada de Goulart e concedeu suporte incondicional ao novo regime militar. U.S. Ambassador Lincoln Gordon was at the center of U.S. operations that supported the 1964 coup d’etat, from coordinating connections through Vernon Walters with the military conspirators to lobbying for a U.S. naval task force that could intervene should a civil war break out between pro and anti-Goulart forces. At the time, and in the following years, Gordon, however, insisted that the coup d’etat was "100 percent Brazilian." Using U.S. State Department documents, Gordon’s speeches, oral histories, and a 2005 interview with the former ambassador, this article analyzes the changing justifications that Gordon has offered over the last forty years to explain why he supported the overthrow of Goulart and gave unconditional support to the new military regime
National History Association
Journals
2009 EN
Marco Antonio Stancik
O trabalho analisa oito retratos fotográficos pertencentes a um álbum de família alemão, sete dos quais datados dos tempos da Primeira Guerra Mundial (1914- 1918). As fotografias são abordadas como documentos e monumentos, de forma a evidenciar mudanças operadas na percepção do conflito, a partir de uma narrativa construída sob sua inspiração. The paper explores eight portraits of a German family album. Seven portraits dated the times of Great World War (1914-1918). The portraits are addressed as documents and monuments to reveal changes in the perception of conflict through the writing of a narrative related to selected photographs
National History Association
Journals
2009 PO
Eng Eong Ooi · Duane J. Gubler
Dengue emerged as a public health burden in Southeast Asia during and following the Second World War and has become increasingly important, with progressively longer and more frequent cyclical epidemics of dengue fever/dengue hemorrhagic fever. Despite this trend, surveillance for this vector-borne viral disease remains largely passive in most Southeast Asian countries, without adequate laboratory support. We review here the factors that may have contributed to the changing epidemiology of dengue in Southeast Asia as well as challenges of disease prevention. We also discuss a regional approach to active dengue virus surveillance, focusing on urban areas where the viruses are maintained, which may be a solution to limited financial resources since most of the countries in the region have developing economies. A regional approach would also result in a greater likelihood of success in disease prevention since the large volume of human travel is a major factor contributing to the geographical spread of dengue viruses.
Escola Nacional de Saúde Pública
Journals
2009 EN
Fabrício Schiavo Ávila · José Miguel Costa Furtado Martins · Marco Cepik
O pós-Guerra Fria (1991-2006) apresenta uma mudança significativa no cenário estratégico: a maior acessibilidade da tecnologia militar e o surgimento de novas armas capazes de modificar o poder coercitivo dos países - como as armas de energia direta - acabam pondo em xeque a ideia de que a primazia nuclear é condição suficiente para garantir a unipolaridade. Focando-se no atual recrudescimento das tensões entre EUA e Rússia - especialmente com a proposta norte-americana de implementação do Escudo Antimíssil no Leste Europeu - e analisando as relações de poder entre os três países, procuramos revelar que tipo de competição ocorrerá no sistema internacional nas próximas décadas. O presente artigo analisa as reais possibilidades de que a primazia nuclear norte-americana se torne efetiva, uma vez que, para tanto, é necessário o desarmamento estratégico das demais potências. Como uma guerra nuclear entre os três países possui um custo político muito elevado, as disputas tendem a ser decididas na esfera das operações. Para ilustrar esta última afirmação, usamos um cenário contrafactual de guerra nuclear limitada entre Estados Unidos, Rússia e China, por meio do qual tentamos evidenciar as precondições táticas e operacionais para uma eventual vitória da coalizão sino-russa. The evolution of the Post-Cold War (1991-2006) international system shows a significant amount of change regarding the strategic capabilities of United States, Russia, and China. The rise of a new class of strategic weapons called directed energy weapons (lasers and high power microwaves), as well as the great costs associated with the quest for nuclear primacy, demand closer examination of the current assumption about the links between nuclear primacy and unipolar distribution of power in the International System. Starting with the current tensions between US and Russia, we try to reveal in this article what kind of competition might be observed in the international system over the next decade. The present work analyzes the real possibilities of the USA achieving an effective nuclear primacy condition, which requires the complete disarmament of all other powers. Since a nuclear war between the three countries has a very high political cost, disputes tend to be settled on the operational sphere. In order to demonstrate this final point, we made comparative use of two nuclear war scenarios. The article concludes by establishing the tactical and operational conditions that Russia and China seems to counting with in order to defeat United States if a shooting war comes
Pontifical Catholic University of Rio de Janeiro
Journals
2009 EN
Daniela Nascimento
O Sudão viveu, durante mais de duas décadas, uma guerra particularmente violenta, opondo o governo ditatorial árabe-muçulmano do Norte e os rebeldes cristãos e animistas do Sul. Por muitos considerado mais um exemplo do "choque civilizacional" previsto por Samuel Huntington (1996), o conflito sudanês esconde, no entanto, uma realidade muito mais complexa de assimetrias e desigualdades políticas e socioeconômicas profundas. Para o maior país do continente africano, as promessas de paz materializaram-se com o Acordo Geral de Paz assinado em 9 de janeiro de 2005. Momento alto de um processo tão longo e complexo como o conflito, este acordo é ambicioso, incluindo vários protocolos relativos à partilha de poder e riqueza entre as partes e prevendo, pela primeira vez, a possibilidade de secessão do Sul, mediante um referendo a se realizar ao fim de um período interino de seis anos, durante o qual vigorará um governo de unidade nacional. Mas o Sudão vive ainda uma paz incerta, dificultada não apenas pelos muitos obstáculos à implementação do acordo, mas também porque desafiada pela violência genocida no Darfur e por uma crescente instabilidade nas regiões do Leste. A partir de um olhar mais rigoroso sobre a complexidade da guerra e da paz no Sudão, procura-se avaliar os mais recentes desenvolvimentos do processo de paz e perceber que desafios se colocam agora às perspectivas de um futuro mais próspero e pacífico no país. For more than two decades, Sudan has experienced a particularly violent conflict, opposing the northern Arab Muslim dictatorial government and the southern Christian and animist rebels. Often considered as an example of the "clash of civilisations" predicted by Samuel Huntington (1996), the sudanese conflict hides, however, a much more complex reality characterised by deep political and socioeconomic inequalities and asymmetries. For the biggest country in Africa, the promises of peace came with the Comprehensive Peace Agreement signed in 9 January, 2005. Putting an end to an equally long and complex peace process, this Agreement is an ambitious one, including several protocols on power and wealth-sharing and allowing, for the first time, for a possible secession of the south, through a referendum to be held at the end of a six-year interim period, during which there will be a govern of national unity. But peace in Sudan is still uncertain, made difficult by the many obstacles to the implementation of the Agreement and challenged by a genocidal violence in Darfur and an increasing instability in the eastern regions. Through a more rigorous analysis of the complexities of war and peace in Sudan, this paper aims at evaluating the recent developments of the peace process and understanding the challenges posed to the prospects of a more peaceful and prosperous future in the country
Pontifical Catholic University of Rio de Janeiro