Construcción y destrucción de lo heroico en filmes sobre la Guerra Civil española: <i>Sierra de Teruel, La caza y Soldados de Salamina</i>

1. La Guerra Civil como fenomeno mediatico La inusual y vasta presencia que alcanzo la Guerra Civil en la conciencia publica de su tiempo y en la memoria colectiva de la posteridad fue en gran parte causada por su difusion mediatica. El filme jugo en este proceso un papel primordial. Hoy en dia su importancia aun se ve aumentada gracias al distanciamiento progresivo de los sucesos historicos y al desvanecimiento paulatino de los recuerdos vitales de aquella epoca. Los trastornos de la guerra no lograron parar la extensa produccion filmica de la Espana de aquel tiempo, a la cual habria que anadirle las peliculas de los Estados Unidos, la Union Sovietica, Inglaterra, Francia, Alemania e Italia producidas sobre todo con fines propagandisticos o informativos. Aun despues de la guerra los sucesos exigian de nuevo formas innovadoras de representacion, lo cual dio lugar a una serie de producciones individuales de relevancia historica para el cine. La historia de la cinematografia en la guerra civil asi como la de la filmografia sobre la guerra civil han sido ya bien documentadas.1 Naturalmente predomina una aproximacion historiografica en cuanto al enfrentamiento con el pasado, pero tanto ahora como antes hacen falta las perspectivas interpretativas. En este articulo se intentara desarrollar una perspectiva interpretativa sobre la base de algunas reflexiones en cuanto a la relacion entre el cine y la guerra (civil), para luego dedicar atencion especial al uso de los conceptos de „heroe‟ y „lo heroico‟. Aplicando dicha perspectiva a tres peliculas espanolas de diferentes periodos, Sierra de Teruel (1939) de Andre Malaux, La caza (1965) de Carlos Saura y Soldados de Salamina (2003) de David Trueba, se demostrara un cambio profundo en la representacion filmica de la Guerra Civil.2

España en armas : Cultures of War in the Iberian Peninsula

Forging an Iron Woman: On the effects of piracy on gender in the 18th century Caribbean

Piracy in Caribbean during the 18th century affected numerous social issues including race, class, and nationality. However, it also effectively introduced ideas of sexual equality three hundred years ahead of its time by embracing a group historically rejected by both the general public and academic scholars alike: women. Female pirates like Anne Bonny and Mary Read thrived alongside their male counterparts, learning to benefit from both sexes by fighting like men in war and escaping execution through pregnancy. Despite the sharp social stratification found on land, life at sea afforded strong men and women the opportunity to escape the lives prescribed to them.

G.I. Jane Joins the Band: WAC and the Andrews Sisters

Before World War II, male instrumental bands (led by Glenn Miller, Artie Shaw, Duke Ellington, etc.) and male crooners (Bing Crosby, Nat King Cole) dominated the pop charts. While female musicians achieved success on the vaudeville circuit or in the race music industry (such as Bessie and Mamie Smith), there was little room for female artists in the mainstream. It wasn’t until the 1940s, that the public embraced female singing groups. Plunged into war, Americans suddenly wanted to hear motherly, soothing voices associated with the security of home. While record labels were initially reluctant to sign female acts, companies soon recognized the appeal of the Andrews Sisters and similar groups. At the same time, the armed forces recruited WAC (Women’s Army Corps) members to entertain the troops, promote war bonds, and staff veterans’ hospitals. To motivate WAC and national acts to make inspiring music, the government stressed patriotism and new opportunities arising from wartime service. However, the government qualified its appeal to women by invoking idealized motherhood to exclude certain singers from WAC, censure female artists, and to disband female bands after the war. The rise and fall of WAC bands and the Andrews Sisters in the 1940s suggests that Americans tolerated women singers when they promoted patriotic values, but not when they violated gender boundaries. Before examining the role of female musicians in the 1940s, it is important to establish the cultural context which allowed women to leave the household and perform publicly. The OWI (Office of Wartime Information) and ASF’s (Army Services Forces’) promotion of the Andrews Sisters and their WAC counterparts attests to a broader move to utilize all resources and citizens (including the untapped female workforce) to achieve victory. Due to this “total war” mindset, there were massive propaganda campaigns (featuring “Rosie the Riveter”) to encourage housewives to leave the home in order to serve in industry, community service, and civil defense. At the same time, the military encouraged female professionals such as nurses and musicians to rehabilitate troops and boost domestic morale. Whereas stigma1 had previously restricted the number of women working outside the home, new propaganda glorified the female worker.”2 To explain this new propaganda, author Maureen Honey suggests that “During World War II, economic, social, and political forces combined to produce a need for new images of women, those that showed wage work as a normal, vital part of female lives and that conveyed the message that women could and should occupy all types of jobs.”3 The propaganda campaign to normalize the female worker was so successful that some 19 million women joined

The Musical Property and Poetic Consciousness in Postwar Modernism Poetry - With a Focus on War and Music and Hope and

Analysis of the Court’s Judgments on Civilian Slaughter Cases during the Korean War

Working for the "Working River": Willamette River Water Pollution, 1926 to 1962

An abstract of the thesis of James Vincent Hillegas for the Master of Arts in History presented June 9, 2009. Title: Working for the "Working River": Willamette River Water Pollution, 1926 to 1962 Efforts to abate Willamette River pollution between 1926 and 1962 centered on a struggle between abatement advocates and the two primary polluters in the watershed, the City of Portland and the pulp and paper industry. Throughout the twentieth century, the Willamette was by far the most heavily populated and industrialized watershed in Oregon. Like many other of the world's rivers, the Willamette was an integral part of municipal and industrial waste removal systems. As such, the main stem of the river carried the combined wastes from sewage outfalls serving hundreds of thousands of people and millions of gallons daily of pulp and paper making effluents. Exacerbating the impacts of these pollutants on the Willamette were unavoidable geologic and hydrologic constraints impacting the river's flow and, therefore, the river's ability to dilute wastes. As the pollution load in the Willamette River increased throughout the twentieth century, accustomed activities such as recreation, sports fishing, and commercial fishing, were constrained. The polluted water also threatened potential uses of the river, such as tourism and expanded recreation after World War II. To address these concerns, beginning in 1926 clean streams advocates created ad hoc groups of public health experts, sanitary engineers, conservationists, sportsmen, and others to pressure Portland officials and industry representatives to cease polluting the river. In November 1938, continued activism and lobbying from these groups led to the passage of a citizen's initiative creating the Oregon State Sanitary Authority (OSSA). From 1939 to 1962, the OSSA took the lead in the water pollution abatement issue and realized some limited successes including pushing Portland and other cities to build sewage treatment plants and regulating pulp and paper mill discharges. However, in spite of these accomplishments, the issue of water quality grew more complex and difficult through the 1950s, as reflected in Tom McCall's November 1962 television documentary Pollution in Paradise.

Nothing New Under the Sun: The Development of Habeas Corpus and Executive Power in the Bush Administration

This article details the origins of the Bush administration’s policies with respect to executive power and access to the writ of habeas corpus. I argue that the administration’s policies devised to prosecute the “War on Terror” were simply extensions of already developing patterns of conservative legal and constitutional theory. This account suggests that as an “Orthodox Innovator” president, it is likely that President Bush’s particular developments and additions to this larger regime stance went too far to continue to remain legitimate, but not in the way that the literature suggests. As a result of the Bush presidency, then, dissent is more likely to come from the judiciary and not the party faithful.

How Earl Warren Previewed Today s Civil Liberties Debate And Got it Right in the End

Earl Warren is revered for his tenure as Chief Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court and for his legacy as the icon of American civil liberties, but a dark moment lurked in his past. In late 1941 and early 1942, as the Attorney General of California, Warren confronted a host of difficult questions involving constitutional law, civil liberties, and race relations. With the United States still reeling from the bombing of Pearl Harbor, and with the dawn of the involvement of American combat troops in World War II, Warren advocated for the relocation and internment of both Japanese Americans and Japanese immigrants living in the United States.How did this heralded champion of individual freedom once decide to subordinate civil liberties to security? Two documents released in 2006 by the California State Archives, which houses Warren's California papers, shed light on his decision-making process. The first is a speech Warren delivered in June of 1942 to the Stanford Law Society entitled “Martial Rule in a Time of War.” The second is a set of 138 letters sent from February 17 to 24, 1942 by California law enforcement in response to Warren's request for suggested solutions to the “alien problem” in California. These documents have never before been the subject of scholarly publication.This Article is an attempt to focus on Warren's decision-making process concerning Internment in light of these newly released documents. It is also an attempt to analyze the lifetime transformation of Warren's attitude surrounding civil rights and the protection of individual liberties, as well as document Warren's progression from Internment advocate to civil rights proponent. Given the documented current of racism that underlay the Internment decision, many scholars have argued that Warren's changed attitude towards civil rights was influenced by his changed views of race over his lifetime.But another factor that arguably influenced Warren's transformation, and one that has been less explored by scholars, was his changing view of the law's role and function in our society. This Article argues that Warren began his legal career with a vision of the law as predominantly a means of securing state stability; by the end, he viewed state power as the ultimate threat and the law as the predominant mean of safeguarding citizens against it. This Article does not attempt to remove Warren's decision to advocate for Internment from its racial context, nor does it attempt to minimize that context. Rather, it attempts, with the information contained in these two newly released documents, to analyze Warren's support for Internment in the context of his views on the role of the law, and to trace the evolution of Warren's concept of the role of the law throughout his lifetime. This Article begins with a discussion of the historical context surrounding the decision to intern Japanese Americans and Japanese immigrants, including Warren's role in Internment. Next, the Article examines Warren's decision-making process, exploring his speeches, articles, Congressional testimony, and the letters Warren solicited and received from California's local law enforcement. The article then discusses Warren's career following his time as Attorney General of California, from Governor of California to Chief Justice, including Warren's final reflections on his decision to intern the Japanese and his changing concept of the role and function of the law from depriver to protector of civil liberties. Finally, the Article examines the modern-day takeaway from Warren's evolving concept of the law and the law's legitimacy, possible parallels to the role of the law as perceived by the Bush administration in its “War on Terror,” and the Obama administration's likely attitude towards the protection of civil liberties.

Beijing, as the space of cuiture during the Sino-Japanese War - Mainly focused on Zhouzuoren(周作人)