Razón «débil» y Educación «light»

The «strong» reason, which characterises the theocentric and anthropological philosophical systems of the middle ages and modernity, has been broken faced with the «un-reason» seen in the disasters of manking: war, hunger, armaments, social inequality... In consequence «weak» reason which belongs to the postmodernity is now prevalent in a large part of our society. Ontological fragmentation and «weak» thought have engendered a new way of living whose influence is seen in education which is based on relativism and individualism. The causes of this change and its positive and negative aspects are critically analyzed in this article.

La educación moral ante las guerras y los conflictos

RESUMEN: Este artículo presenta los resultados de una investigación de campo dirigida a conocer mejor la lectura que hacen los niños de las imágenes de otros niños que sufren las consecuencias de los conflictos bélicos y cómo imaginan que es su vida. En el texto se proponen algunas sugerencias que facilitan el objetivo de una educación para la paz, desde las construcciones narrativas de los niños. Las propuestas de educación moral para la paz suelen insistir en la idea de promover sentimientos y actitudes de solidaridad y empatia hacia los otros. Los resultados de nuestra investigación revelan la necesidad de trabajar también el conocimiento que ayude a entender las causas y extensión de los conflictos humanos.ABSTRACT: This paper presents the results of a fieldwork research which aim has been to get to know how Spanish children imagine other children in war, how they think their lives are. Some ideas to educate for peace in the light of children narrative construction are then suggested. The proposals of moral education for peace usually try to promote feelings and attitudes of solidarity and empathy towards others. The result of the research show that working with knowledge is also needed in order to understand the reasons of human conflicts.SOMMAIRE: Cet article présente les résultats d'une recherche de terrain dont le but est de mieux faire connaître la lecture que font les enfants des images d'enfants souffrant les conséquences des conflits et de leurs représentations de ce qu'est leur vie. Le texte propose quelques idées pour une éducation à la paix, à partir des narrations des enfants. Les propositions d'éducation morale pour la paix insistent généralement sur le objectif de promouvoir des sentiments et des attitudes de solidarité et d'empathie. Les données de notre recherche révèlent la nécessité de travailler également les savoirs qui aideront à la connaissance des causes et de l'étendue des conflits humains.

La iniciativa Bush para las americas: ¿Gesto vacio, hábil estrategia o cambio reseñable en las relaciones continentales?

RESUMEN: El autor de este articulo aborda el analisis de la Iniciativa Bush para las Americas a dos anos vista de su exposicion por los portavoces de la Casa Blanca. Los escasos logros alcanzados no seran obstaculo para que Joseph S. Tulchin muestre un moderado optimismo por el desarrollo de la Iniciativa y los desafios que le aguardan en los anos proximos. Tras contextualizarla en el marco historico del final de la guerra fria y del comienzo del desenvolvimiento a nivel global de las politicas economicas neoliberales, se pasa revista a los problemas por los que ha pasado la idea original en el interior de Estados Unidos y el entusiasmo con que fue acogida en America Latina. En este contexto uno de los primeros "tests" que pondran a prueba el avance real de la Iniciativa para las Americas, sera, sin lugar a dudas, la firma del Tratado de Libre Comercio (NAFTA) con Mexico. ABSTRACT: The author of this article tackles the analysis of the Enterprise for the Americas Initiative (EA1) two years after the White House spokesmen threw the idea. Scarce results achieved, won't be obstacle for Joseph S. Tulchin when he proves a moderate optimism with the development of the EAI and the coming challenges in the years ahead. After pointing the context out the EAI in the end of the Cold War and the evolution of neoliberal economics policies frame, he reviews difficulties to implement the original idea incide the United States and the enthusiastic reaction in Latin America. In this context, one of the first facts that will put the EAI real advance to the test, shall be without no doubt, the Free Trade Treaty(NAFTA) signing with Mexico.

La gobernabilidad centroamericana en los noventa. Consideraciones sobre las posibilidades democráticas en la postguerra

RESUMEN: La reciente experiencia centroamericana, en especial en países que viven situaciones de postguerra como Nicaragua, El Salvador y Guatemala, pone en evidencia transiciones incompletas. Esto es debido a la coexistencia y permanencia de herencia autoritarias en el sistema político. La transición no habría terminado, ya que la consolidación democrática exigiría altos niveles de gobernabilidad — eficiencia, legitimidad y libre ejercicio de la voluntad política y la participación ciudadana— sólo posibles con nuevas formas de articulación entre el poder político y la sociedad civil. De tal modo, se aseguraría orden, estabilidad y resultados en la lucha contra la pobreza. En definitiva, únicamente bajo un régimen de democracia política, con partidos políticos sólidos y una vida partidaria ordenada, podrían enfrentarse exitosamente las tareas de reconstrucción de Centroamérica.ABSTRACT: Recent Centroamerican experience, specially in counstries which are in post-war situaciones such as Nicaragua, EL Salvador and Guatemala, show not-finished transitions. The reason is the coexistence and continuity of authoritarian heritages in political system. Transition hasn't finished because democratic consolidation demands high level of governability —efficiency, legitimacy and free exercise of political will and citizen participation— possible only with new ways of articulation between political power and civil society. In this way, tidiness, stability and results will be guarantee in fight agains poverty. Finally, only under political democratic regime, with solid political parties and a tidy partitanship life, reconstruction of Centroamerica could be successful.

Política exterior de los EE.UU. hacia Colombia: el paquete de ayuda de 1.300 millones de dólares de apoyo al Plan Colombia y la Región Andina

RESUMEN: El final del segundo mandato del presidente Bill Clinton supuso un cambio importante en la estrategia de los EE.UU. hacia el conflicto armado colombiano. Washington dejo de apoyar el proceso de paz, y paso a tener un enfoque mas belicista, que culmino con la aprobacion por parte del Congreso de un paquete de ayuda de 1.300 millones de dolares con un alto componente militar en el presupuesto suplementario del 2000, como apoyo al Plan Colombia de Andres Pastrana y a la region andina. En la primera parte del presente texto se analizan los cambios y continuidades acontecidos en la politica exterior de los EE.UU. hacia America Latina tras el final de la Guerra Fria y la evolucion de las relaciones bilaterales entre Colombia y los EE.UU. En la segunda se exponen los motivos que llevaron a Clinton a incluir el asunto en su agenda politica y a solicitar la ayuda al Congreso, y que instituciones, grupos y personalidades jugaron un papel significativo en el diseno y en la aprobacion del paquete de ayuda. Se argumenta que la apertura de la ventana para semejante cambio fue el fruto de la confluencia en el tiempo del recrudecimiento de los problemas de Colombia, de los cambios en la opinion publica estadounidense en visperas de un cambio de Administracion y de las campanas de los grupos de interes. Estos aspectos fueron aprovechados por determinados emprendedores politicos para hacer valer sus soluciones. Se concluye que la aprobacion de la ayuda evidencia dos aspectos fundamentales: 1) el interes de los EE.UU. por acabar con grupos insurgentes desestabilizadores para sus intereses y como estas intenciones se encubren bajo «la guerra contra las drogas»; 2) los intereses politicos domesticos siguen condicionando las estrategias antinarcoticos en los paises productores y pese al fracaso de las acciones centradas en el lado de la oferta, la clase politica estadounidense persiste en culpar a Colombia del fuerte consumo de drogas en los EE.UU., para evitar asi afrontar responsabilidades politicas. ABSTRACT: An important change in the U.S. strategy towards the Colombian armed conflict took place at the end of president’s Clinton second tenure. Washington ended its support to the peace process and shifted its policy to a militaristic approach that culminated in the approval of an aid package worth $1.300 million with a strong military component in the 2000 supplemental budget to back Andres Pastrana’s Plan Colombia and the Andean Region. In the first part of the article and in order to understand the environment in which the aid was granted, the paper analyses the changes and continuities in U.S. foreign policy towards Latin America in the aftermath of the Cold War as well as the evolution of U.S.- Colombian bilateral relations. In the second part, I point out the reasons behind Clinton’s inclusion of this issue in his political agenda and his request to Congress. I also explore the role that institutions, groups and individuals played in the design and the approval of the aid package. I argue that the opening of a window opportunity for such a change was the result of the worsening of Colombian problems, changes in U.S. public opinion on the eve of a change of Administration and interest group campaigns. Some political entrepreneurs took advantage of these events to push for their solutions. I conclude that the approval of the aid package shows two relevant factors: 1) U.S. interest in undermining insurgent groups seem as destabilizing for their interests and how these policies are presented as «drug war» initiatives; 2) domestic political interests still determine anti-narcotic strategies in producer countries in spite of the lack of success of anti-drug initiatives on the supply side and U.S. politicians persist on blaming Colombia for the high drug consumption in the U.S. to avoid confronting domestic political responsibilities

Colombia: la guerra irregular en el fin de siglo

RESUMEN: El articulo analiza las transformaciones de la guerra irregular de las guerrillas colombianas en las ultimas decadas. Para ello, se estudian los cambios que han afectado a distintos factores, como los objetivos estrategicos, los medios financieros, militares, las relaciones que mantienen con los partidos politicos tradicionales en el nivel local, sus parametros ideologicos, el origen social de sus miembros. Con esta perspectiva, se analiza el calculo politico/temporal que la guerrilla hace en la actual coyuntura y sus consecuencias para el proceso de paz. ABSTRACT: This article examines the transformations of the irregular war of the colombian guerrillas, studying the changes of several factors such as the strategic goals, the financial and army resources, the relationship among the political parties in the local level, the evolution of their ideological parameters and of the social origin of their members. With this perspectiva, the author analyses temporal and political calculation that the guerrilla makes at this point, and its consequences for the peace process.

A Structuration Theory Analysis of the Refugee Action Support Program in Greater Western Sydney

This article uses Gidden's structuration theory to analyse the Refugee Action Support program in Greater Western Sydney. The study shows that many refugee students in Australian high schools experience difficulty with academic transition in mainstream classrooms due to their previous experiences in war-torn countries. As a result of the trauma suffered, many refugees have difficulty adjusting to the host society. The problem is further exacerbated by the fact that many of the refugees may not previously have had any form of formal schooling. Their literacy development may therefore be impacted by both individual and structural factors. Structuration theory helps us understand how literacy was improved for these refugee students and how practice was mediated as a result of the Refugee Action Support program.

Artvin ve Batum Göçmenleri (1877-1878 Osmanlı - Rus Savaşı'ndan Sonra)

Kırım Savaşı ve 93 Harbi Sürecinde Osmanlı Memleketine Gelen Göçmenlerin Sevk ve İskânları

OZ XIX. yuzyilin ikinci yarisinda Osmanli Devleti ile Rusya arasinda meydana gelen Kirim Savasi ile 93 Harbi olarak bilinen 1877-1878 tarihli Osmanli-Rus Savasinin en onemli sonuclari nufus hareketlerine yaptiklari etkilerdir. Bu savaslar surecinde yuz binlerce insan hayatini kaybederken, yuz binlercesi de gocmen durumuna dusmustur. Gocmenlerin cogu Osmanli memleketinin guvenli bolgelerine gelmistir. Devlet gelen gocmenleri en iyi sartlarda sevk ve iskân etmek icin cesitli tedbirler almistir. Bu tedbirlerin onemlileri gocmen meselesi ile ilgilenen cesitli birimlerin kurulmus olmasi ve gocmen nizamnamelerinin hazirlanmasidir. Gocmen komisyonlari, hazirlanan nizamnameler cercevesinde gelen gocmenler icin uygun yerler ayarlayarak, sevk ve iskânlarini gerceklestirmeye calismistir. Ancak gelen gocmen sayisinin fazlaligindan dolayi, gocmenlerin butun sorunlari cozulememistir. Anahtar Sozcukler: Nufus, Gocmen, Sevk, Iskân, Gocmen Komisyonu ABSTRACT The most improtant results of the Kirim and Ottomman-Russian war -that is known as 93 War in 1877-1887 were their effects on movements of population. During those wars hundred thousands of people had lost their lives and hundred thousands had become immigrant. Most of immigrants had come to the safe regions of Ottoman state. The state has taken different precautions in order to dispatch and settle the immigrants in the best conditions. Some of those important precautions were establishing different units and preparing immigrants rules the immigrants comssions have tried to find convinent places to settle those immigrants. However because of excess of immigrants, their whole problems couldnt be solved. Key Words: Population, Immigrant, Dispatch, Settlement, Immigrant Comssion

Atatürk Dönemi Trabzon'da Sosyal ve Ekonomik Gelişmelerden Bazı Kesitler

OZ Trabzon, I. Dunya Savasi’nda ve akabinde baslayan Milli Mucadele yillarinda buyuk sosyal ve ekonomik sorunlar yasamistir. Cumhuriyet ile baslayan yeni donemde sehrin sosyal ve ekonomik sorunlarini cozmek icin bir takim onlemler alinmistir. Şehirde ilk goze carpan husus planli ve kapsamli imar faaliyetleridir. Bunlari ekonominin canlandirilmasina yonelik atilimlar izlemistir. Ataturk’un sehri cesitli tarihlerde ziyareti sorunlarin cozumune ciddi katkilar saglamistir. Anahtar Sozcukler: Ataturk, Trabzon, Tahsin Bey, Trabzon Milletvekilleri, Trabzon-Tebriz Yolu. ABSTRACT Trabzon faced great social and economic troubles during the Turkish National Struggle for Independence immediately after and in the World War I. Some measures were taken in order to solve the social and economic problems of the city in this new period starting with Republic. The most striking developments in the city are planned and comprehensive improvement activities. Some progreses related to economic revival followed these activities. Ataturk’s visit to the city in various dates contributed to the solution of these troubles. Key Words: Ataturk, Trabzon, Tahsin Bey, The Deputies of Trabzon, Trabzon and Tebriz Road.